Throughout Washington and the
political chattering classes many if not most observers still believe the
Republican Establishment will rise again.
That core belief is built heavily into the 538 poll plus model that
credits members of that Establishment with the power to boost (via endorsement
points) the odds of candidates in the club.
However when one digs into the math one begins
to see just how hard it will be for the Establishment to get the delegates
necessary to pick a nominee of its choosing. [For our purposes the
Establishment is the Governors plus Rubio on the main stage tonight]
Those
seeking to do your own math should review The Cook Political Report, an
absolutely fantastic resource for setting benchmarks from which you can draw
conclusions.
But for those lacking time here are
the two main data points standing in the Establishment’s way.
1.
Mitt Romney, last cycle’s only Republican Establishment
candidate, struggled in some of the very places early state contests are being
held this year.
2.
The current establishment candidates are not
even running as strongly as Mitt Romney.
Here are the comparable poll numbers.
In Iowa
in 2012 Mitt received basically 25% of all votes. In the current RCP average for Iowa,
Republican Establishment candidates are polling at 23.5%. Not a large deficit, but not a good sign for
the Establishment.
In New Hampshire
the presence of Jon Huntsman, who ended up being a one state Republican
establishment candidate, clouds things a bit, but the message is the same. In 2012, Romney and Huntsman combined for 56%
of the Republican primary vote. Today’s Establishment candidates are only pulling in only
43% combined.
At this point (three weeks
pre-Iowa caucus) in the National polling Mitt Romney was at about 25% or so. The Republican Establishment is currently
polling at 21. These numbers are not far
behind, but behind is a problem.
Getting to the Romney level or even
slightly exceeding it is clearly an attainable goal. The challenge is that a
great deal of improvement is required. Going through every state would be very time
consuming. One state serves as a perfect illustration. On March 1st Georgia goes to the
polls. It exemplifies the problem the Republican Establishment faces. In 2012
Mitt Romney received only 28% of the Georgia vote. That is a decent benchmark
for the Establishment. [Yes Georgia was
Gingrich’s home state, but Romney’s numbers in Alabama, Mississippi, Oklahoma,
and Tennessee were comparable.] A huge problem for the Establishment relates to
Multi-Candidate field dynamics. The establishment
might simply not have successfully winnowed their candidates down in time for
Georgia. [Absentee voting has already started]. This is where the rules become quite
harsh. Georgia delegates are awarded based on the voting on two bases. The
statewide vote decides the at large delegates, and the congressional districts
select congressional district delegates. The at large is proportional with two
exceptions. A candidate needs to reach 20% of the vote, which means at most
four candidates can win at large delegates and three is more likely. There is
also a 50% winner take all provision, but that is unlikely to come into effect.
The district level is even more
brutal. Each district gets three delegates. The winner in each district receives
two delegates and the runner up gets 1. Everyone else is out of luck [unless
someone get 50% in which case they get all three]. What this system meant for Mitt Romney was
that he was able to win 21 delegates in Georgia, whereas the Cook projected
need for the Establishment in Georgia is 34.
What makes matters worse for the
Establishment is that Romney got about as lucky a spilt in Georgia as possible. Remember that 20% rule. Santorum was under it
by less than .5 at 19.55%, but he was thus completely shut out of at large
delegates giving Romney an at large windfall.
Gingrich was also very close to 50% in which case he would have gotten
all the delegates as well. Without
Santorum, it is likely Gingrich would have taken nearly all the delegates. If
instead there was a slightly stronger Santorum, Romney would have lost a few
more second place district delegates and would not have gotten a bump from the
at large. Given the Cruz-Trump battle at
the moment, a Georgia that shuts the Establishment out entirely looks more
likely than a Georgia in which the Establishment finds its way to the 34 delegates
that Cook says it needs. There are
similar effects across the country in lots of states, and the benchmarks are
impossible to reach in quite a few places with few chances for corresponding
gains. The establishment may yet rise,
but the benchmarks needed are much harder to reach than is generally realized.
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